A temerini fiúk ügye

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Information in English
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Egy szokványos, közönséges szombat éjszaka volt. Fordítva is történhetett volna, vagyis, hogy a magyar fiúkat verik össze. Sok a verekedés – mondja Zoran Petrovic, aki saját bevallása szerint hithű keresztény. Megbocsátott a temerini fiúknak. Sőt. Nemcsak megbocsátott, máig hálás is nekik, mert mint mondja, megszabadították őt a benne dúló bosszúvágytól. Ha bosszúra már nem is, de fájdalomdíjra mindenképpen fűlik a foga: 5 millió dínár (18 millió forint) kártérítést szeretne kapni a fiúk szüleitől. Mint mondja, ez jelképes összeg, akár 500 milliót is kérhetne.

Kicsoda Zoran Petrovic?

2004. június 26-án éjjel, ahogy a többi szerb és magyar fiatal, több szórakozóhelyet végigjárt az este folyamán. Újvidéken már kisebb verekedésbe keveredett, ezt követően ment fel Temerinbe. Itt újabb incidensek sora fűződik a nevéhez: a temerini Evergreen nevű klubból erőszakos viselkedése miatt (a szemtanúk állítása szerint mindenkivel kötözködött, elvette az ott szórakozók italát és cigarettáját) kidobták. Ezután megfordult a csak szerbek látogatta mulatóban, a Milanóban is, majd betért a Kaja nevű bárba. Ezt a helyet a temeriniek a drogosok és drogterjesztők törzshelyének tartják. Jóllehet, a férfi saját bevallása szerint 7-8 éve már felhagyott a terjesztéssel. Miután innen is távozott (vagy kitessékelték, ezt nem tudni), a piactér felé vette az irányt. A kötözködés itt a tettlegességig fajult: a szemtanúk szerint Petrovics igen erőszakosan viselkedett, nemzetiségi hovatartozástól függetlenül belekötött mindenkibe, és a fiatal lányokat is molesztálta.

A történet részletei innen homályba vesznek: szemtanúk beszámolói alapján sem tisztázható az ominózus este minden részlete. Annyi bizonyos, hogy mind Zoran Petrovic mind a temerini fiatalok, köztük az öt temerini fiú is, már ittas állapotban voltak. A verekedés részleteiről csak annyit tudni , hogy a szóváltást, dulakodás, majd verekedés követte. Petri, azaz Zoran Petrovicnál az ominózus estén semmilyen irat nem volt. Amikor hajnalban megtalálták, bódult állapotban mégis igazolni tudta magát. Saját bevallása szerint sem emlékezett arra, hogy pontosan hogyan és hol történt a verekedés, ennek ellenére öt temerini magyar fiú ül a mai napig előre megfontolt gyilkossági kísérlet vádjával raboskodik a sremska mitrovicai börtönben.

A titkokzatos sérülések

Az ítélet során súlyosbító körülmények számított, hogy Petrovicot nemcsak megverték, hanem kínozták is. A jegyzőkönyv tanúsága szerint Petrovic felső állkapcsa eltört, a nyelőcsöve benyomódott, a férfi végbelébe vasrudat nyomtak fel, testét megégették, s levizelték a férfit. Az esetet azonban a piactéren lévő fiatalok nem látták. Az egyik szemtanú úgy véli, ha meg is történt a borzalmas eset, biztosan nem a piactéren folyt a dulakodás, és egyáltalán nem bizonyítható, hogy az öt temerini fiúk közül bárki megkínozta volna a szerb férfit. Az orvosi leletek pedig egyértelműen bizonyítják, hogy Petrovic testén sehol sem voltak égés illetve vizeletnyomok. Ezt támasztják alá a temerini fiúk szüleinek beszámolói is, akik a verekedést követő harmadik napon meglátogatták a megvert férfit a kórházban.

Őket a szerb kisebbségügyi miniszter követte, aki nagy sajtónyilvánosság előtt érdeklődött a férfi egészségi állapota felől. Az alábbi felvételen is jól látható, hogy semmi jel nem utal arra, hogy Petrovic felső állkapcsa el lenne törve.

A felvétel az újvidéki Baleseti Sebészet Sürgösségi Osztályán készült 2004. június 29-én, kedden. 3 nappal a verekedés után. Önök szerint így néz ki akinek eltörik a felső állkapcsát, benyomják a nyelőcsövét és még fel is gyújtják?

A videón Petrovics megköszöni, az orvosnak, hogy segített neki, az orvos diagnosztizál egy sérülést, amit 2-3 hét múlva fognak összevarrni. Majd az orvos közli a miniszterrel, hogy: “Ne haragudjon, hogy ezt így, az újságírók jelenlétében mondom Önnek de nem hiszem, hogy ennek bármi köze lenne ahhoz, hogy ő más nemzetiségű, ahhoz, hogy ő szerb.” Majd Petrovics magyarázkodik még egy kicsit az újságíróknak: “Csak azt mondhatom, hogy nem nemzetiségi ügy a részemről. Egy félreértés volt. Hogy is mondjam…A “Varsó nap”-on történt. Nagyon sok fiatal volt ott. És ők ilyenek. Ez nem sovinizmus és nem nacionalizmus miatt volt részemről. Szerintem részükről sem.” (A videó pontos lefordítása nem volt lehetséges, ugyanis néhány rész valami rejtélyes okból ki lett vágva belőle. A felvétel letölthető: innen A szerk.)

Az ítélethirdetés után a “sértett” így nyilatkozott:
-Nem haragszom rájuk, szüleikre sem, akik meglátogattak a kórházban és bocsánatot kértek tőlem. Szó sincs róla, hogy azért vertek volna meg, mert szerb vagyok. Ezt kijelentettem Rasim Ljajić kisebbségügyi miniszternek is, amikor meglátogatott. Sokan nem is tudják, milyen nagy baj lehetett volna a történtekből. Petrovic hozzátette: túl szigorúan ítéletet hoztak esetükben. A tárgyalás során azt gondolta, legfeljebb 5-7 évet kapnak. A férfi számos helyen elmondta: nem igaz, hogy “nem tűri a magyarokat”. Mint megjegyezte öt temerini magyar lánynak udvarolt valamikor, és egy férjezett asszonynak is, amiért már kétszer is megverték.

Miért éppen őt kellett?

Vajdasági Szociáldemokrata Liga: Vajdaság a mi hazánk

Petrović jóhiszemű, intelligens fiatalembernek tartja magát, akitől távol áll minden erőszak. Zenekarokban játszott, mint dobos, sokszor járt külföldön. A Svat című bulvárjellegű havilap megírta, Zoran már jó tíz éve a heroin és az alkohol rabja, eddig négyszer volt elvonókúrán, és Hepatitis C betegsége van . A portré megfestése során arról sem feledkezhetünk meg, hogy Petrovic tagja volt a Vajdasági Szociáldemokrata Ligának. Részt vett a Milošević elleni, 2000. október 5-ei tüntetésekben Újvidék főterén. Hozzátette: akkor hagyta el pártját, amikor még részvéttáviratot sem küldtek neki. A temerini rendőrfőkapitány az áldozat kilétét megismerve a fiúk szüleinek csak ennyit mondott: “Miért éppen őt kellett megverni?”

Mire adnak Szerbiában 10-15 évet?

Az eset nyilvánvalóan nem nemzeti alapon történt, de a szerb politika nemzeti alapon büntetett. Sorozatgyilkosokat sem sújtanak ekkora büntetéssel.

-A boszniai szerb Biljana Plavsics háborús bűnök elkövetése miatt kapott tíz évet.

-A Legija (légiós) ragadványnéven ismert Milorad Ulemek egykori vörössapkás parancsnokot (későbbi bérgyilkost, aki bűnösnek találtatott Zoran Djindjics egykori miniszterelnök meggyilkolásában is) négyszeres gyilkosságért ítélték el tizenöt évre.

-Egy újvidéki sorozatgyilkost szintén tíz évre büntettek.

Dr. Bozóki Antal újvidéki ügyvéd nem vett részt a fiúk védelmében, de a szerb jogrendet ismerő szakértőként elmondta, az eset több érdekes kérdést vet fel. Például, hogy az újvidéki bíróság miért úgy értékelte és tárgyalta az ügyet, mint gyilkossági kísérletet. Hasonló esetekben súlyos testi sértés szokott lenni a vád. Ám ez az elsőfokú ítélet még így is megdöbbentő, ha gyilkossági kísérlet a vád, akkor sem reális a fejenként tíz-tizenöt év fegyház.

A szerb sajtó már a vádemelés pillanatától kezdve a közvéleményt a fiúk ellen hangolta, s ebben annyira sikeres volt, hogy még a délvidéki magyar pártok is, egészen a részletek megismeréséig óvatosan fogalmaztak, nem siettek az ítélet súlyosságát megkérdőjelezni.

Zoran, hol vagy?

Egy megjelent cikk

Az eset óta három év telt el. Petrovicról csak itt-ott hallani, mint aki megtette kötelességét, elengedték. A “jóhiszemű, intelligens fiatalember” akitől “távol áll minden erőszak” néhány éve késsel próbált alkoholt rabolni egy élelmiszerboltból, amiért rövid időre börtönbe került. Kevés időt töltött szabadlábon, nem sokkal szabadulása után újfent erőszakos rablásért került fegyházba.

T Á M O G A T Á S :

NEMZETKÖZI FOLYÓSZÁMLA (Deviza és forint befizetésének lehetősége) :

A fiúk közös számlájának adatai:

TIBOR HORVAT
L.MUSICKOG 11
21235 - TEMERIN
SERBIA

A bank neve: MERIDIAN BANK AD
S.W.I.F.T. code: MEBACS22
A számla No.: 330103020050501868
IBAN code: CS73330103020050501868
Megjegyzés: SEGÉLY

Forrás: http://blog.poznanici.com/weblog

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Lap ajánló

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http://tarsoly.lapunk.hu/

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They Sent Me to Distant Lands to Fight Against Muslims ... Then I Became One

.Along the way, I ate Burger King in Peshawar, developed a debilitating drug habit and caught a 3-year prison sentence.

Mike's attraction to Islam dates to 2001, when his Afghan interpreter gave him a Quran. Mike had a deep respect for the spirit of those he fought and wanted to better understand what it was about their belief system that roused such a fierce dedication to their cause.

Last month, after a year of one-on-one study with Imam Sabur, Mike made his shihada at the Kemble Street Mosque in Utica, N.Y. He is now officially an adherent of Islam.

As a practicing Muslim, his life has become a virtual prayer. Five times a day, he ritualistically washes his body and kneels to pray facing the Kaaba in Mecca. (The first time, he used a compass and marked the direction with tape on his floor.)

"Islam," the imam explained to me, "is a way of life more than a religion. It teaches you how to do everything, and everything becomes an act of worship."

Mike agrees, allowing with some amusement that the structure is both reassuring and familiar for a soldier, "but the military isn't nearly as strict as Islam."

Every day, he downloads the prayer schedule off the mosque Web site. Prayers are timed according to the hours of sunrise and sunset, and on some winter mornings, that means getting up at 4:30.

But Mike rarely sleeps more than a few hours anyway. He has found that the exhaustion produced by long hours of concentrated work seems to keep his night terrors under control, so he "practices avoidance," letting his schoolwork regularly keep him up well past midnight.

Mike has a 4.0 grade-point average at State University of New York, and plans to get a Ph.D. in trauma research and counseling when he graduates.

He is also a convicted felon who suffers from a terrible post-traumatic stress injury.

If Uncle Sam were to use his finger like a Ouija board pointer searching out a U.S. Army poster boy, it just might stop on Mike.

He's tall, fair-haired, handsome, stands with a posture that suggests military training, but without rigidity, and he speaks with a polite confidence, intelligence and insight that made him a natural leader when he was in the service and makes him a campus and community leader now.

Mike was with the first wave of Americans into Afghanistan in 2001, and then, 15 months later, with the first wave into Iraq. Like so many combat veterans, he quite enjoys talking about the funny-crazy memories he brought home.

Like when someone discovered that there was a Burger King in Peshawar, Pakistan, over the border with Afghanistan.

If there wasn't a lot of traffic in the Khyber Pass, he and his unit could make the trip from Jalalabad in half an hour. Like schoolboys playing chicken, they'd go – 12 guys in three vehicles bristling with guns.

"We would just run in and grab our burgers, scarf them down, and get back out of Pakistan. If we would have run into somebody, we would have been massacred," he admits sheepishly. "But it was so good to have a Whopper."

But he won't go near the bad stuff that happened. He has learned that indulging someone else's curiosity predictably brings on terrible dreams.

"My body," he says with painful understatement, "blows everything out of proportion."

The imam has helped.

"There is just something about Imam Sabur," Mike says. "He has taught me to trust him."

It probably helps that the imam is a veteran and recently retired after a 20-year career at New York State's Department of Corrections.

"He knows that nothing he might say is going to shock me," Sabur told me. "I just listen and remind him that he may have done wrong in the past, and he surely will make mistakes in the future, but God is perfect, the rest of us aren't."

Mike enlisted in the Army in 1998. His first semester in college hadn't gone all that well, and he had a bunch of uncles who had told him the military would grow him up and give him a little discipline.

They were all Army or Marine veterans, and they told stories about exploits, adventures and camaraderie, all punctuated with: "and then we got drunk." They made it sound better than college. But none of his uncles had ever been to war.

After his first tour, Mike would have said his uncles were right. He was stationed in Korea and Bosnia, visited 27 other countries, went to jump school, and while he learned that he hated parachuting, he got a pretty badge for his uniform. He also got awards and affirmations, he made E-5 in 2 1/2, and he says he enjoyed every minute.

A month after his contract was up, the Twin Towers went down and he re-enlisted.

Mike wanted to be a Special Forces medic, but instead they made him a civil affairs specialist, which turned out to be "nothing but glorified social work."

His job was to do needs assessments in local villages, consulting with village elders about where schools, clinics and hospitals needed to be built, and organizing their construction.

"I was the one who would go in, smiling and happy: ‘Look, we can get you guys schools.' "

But he was not immune to the irony of living in an old royal palace in Jalalabad, which he says was "very nice before we blew it up," or in Fallujah, before "the Marines came through and blew that up," and then making a show of gifting the locals with replacements for what the Americans had destroyed.

"They didn't like us as much after we blew things up," he told me with a wry smile. "We had to do a lot more building to make the Army look good."

Civil affairs, however, was not what Mike had re-upped for. He wanted retribution, and he "wanted to do the fun stuff -- kick in doors and fight war."

So he doubled as an 18 Bravo weapons specialist, joining a team that was doing the actual fighting. But only at night. If he went out with them in the daylight, where his face and his patches could be recognized, it would be much harder to "come back the next day and try to put a smile on 'em."

But as it turned out, he couldn't do the fun stuff with impunity. About four months into his first tour, he started having intolerable nightmares.

The unit medic gave him Valium, telling him, "If you're not sleeping, we can't use you."

He started out taking one a night, but after a month he was taking three or four just to get to sleep.

And drinking heavily as well. They all did, in part for the artificial courage, but also because alcohol was an excuse for these warriors to share their horror.

"We'd do a drug house or something, and whatever happened, when we came back, before we cleaned our weapons or anything, somebody would have a bottle of liquor, and we would talk everything through.

"This is among a bunch of guys that normally, if you're sober, aren't prone to expressing their feelings easily, especially with other men."

It was when he got to Iraq that he started doing heavy drugs.

"With American money, you can walk into any pharmacy, and they will give you what you want. I had someone write Oxycontin and Valium on a piece of paper in Arabic, but after the first few times, they just knew me."

Of course, he came home addicted to the drugs and dependent on the alcohol. The Army sent him to its Alcohol and Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Program when he came home.

He sat there for eight weeks in bored, defiant silence, celebrated his graduation with a 12-pack and took his "honorable discharge with a bar to re-enlistment due to medical reasons" pretty much straight to jail.

With one painful detour: an attempted suicide. He took all the meds the VA had given him and anything else he could get his hands on.
"They didn't kill me," he told me matter-of-factly, "so I just kept on drinking and getting heavier into drugs."

Mike got himself a generous one- to three-year bid in state prison for possession -- generous because even though he was holding a lot of illegal substances when he was arrested, the sentencing judge took his PTSD diagnosis into consideration.

After he sobered up, he spent his time in prison reading the Quran, and he began attending services. When he got out, he made a beeline for the Kemble Street Mosque and asked for the imam.

Although the spiritual leader has become his primary mentor and support, Mike also has a counselor at SUNY and another at the VA. When he first got out of the Army, he thought he could handle things on his own.

"I went downhill real fast," he recalls, "and it didn't come out good. If that happens again," he told me earnestly, "I need somebody right there, and I don't know if the imam could handle everything that would happen."

Another breakdown might cost him his Ph.D. He knows that as a convicted felon, he will have to go "an extra 10 steps to get there."
When he applied for transfer to a four-year college, some of his interviews were more like interrogations. He had to provide convincing answers to questions such as, "What makes you think you're not going to backslide?"

And when one of his classmates opined that felons are a waste of social service resources because they will never change, Mike just got up and left the classroom. But he came back -- he was "too scared about not getting A's" to make an issue of the slight.

But "felon" isn't the only label Mike carries -- he is also a veteran. Although veterans may appear to be the flavor of the week in many circles, the caricature of the troubled, addicted, angry misfit is often close beneath the surface. Faculty and students alike often slip into blaming soldiers for the policies of the government and military.

Steve Darman, who teaches sociology at SUNY and is at the epicenter of activism on behalf of Oneida County's veterans, says that "professors and students who make facile remarks about the wars and how misguided and/or stupid they are really piss these guys off -- and not necessarily because they are pro-war."

Pro or con, right or wrong, our veterans have learned something about what war is really like, what it really does to people, something that those of us who have never been might find useful if we're serious about pushing back against our nation's militaristic policies and institutions.

Comparing the surprise attack of Pearl Harbor with that of the Twin Towers, Michael Hayden, who in 2001 was director of the National Security Agency, said, "perhaps it was more of a failure of imagination than last time."

Certainly, the vast majority of Americans failed to imagine what the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq would really cost. Author Robert Lifton has said that the task of our times to "imagine the real."

Our veterans might be able to help with that, if we are willing to listen. Having been in both wars, Mike is convinced that, "we will never win either, because Muslims have more fighting spirit than any Americans."

Imagine that.
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GÁZA ÉS A GÁZ

Az elemzéssel nem célunk állást fogalni semelyik oldal meggyőződése mellett, nem szeretnénk világnézeti és napi politikai csatározásokba belefolyni. Pusztán érdekes összecsengés tapasztalható a gáz és a gázai történések között - már megint az energia áll hátul... (ffek)

Michel Chossudovsky, a University of Ottawa közgazdászprofesszora, a Centre for Research on Globalization független kutatócsoport egyik vezetője szerint a Gázai-övezet izraeli megszállása közvetlen összefüggésben áll a stratégiai gázkészletek kérdésével.

2000-ben a Gázai-övezethez tartozó partszakasztól nem messze jelentős gázkészleteket fedeztek fel. A palesztínokkal kötött 1999-es szerződés alapján az olaj- és gázlelőhelyek feltárásának joga 25 évig a British Gas-t (BG) és az athéni székhelyű Consolidated Contractors International Company-t illeti meg (CCC). A BG 2000-ben csak két fúrást végzett, összesen 1400 md m3 készletet találtak, ennek értéke kb. 4 md $. A gázmezőkhöz kapcsolódó jogok 60%-ban a BG-t, 30%-ban a CCC-t, 10%-ban Palesztína befektetési alapját illetik meg. A Gázai-övezet környékén feltárt tengeri lelőhelyek 60%-a jogilag a palesztínoké.

1. ábra A gázmezők Izrael környékén

2. ábra. A palesztin halászati jog zónája

Izrael kezdettől fogva arra törekedett, hogy (1) a palesztinokat kikapcsolja az üzletből, (2) a kitermelt gáz hozzá és ne Egyiptomba kerüljön, (3) üzletet is csináljon. A legfontosabb cél természetesen az 1999-es szerződés érvénytelenítése volt. 2007-ben olyan szerződést akartak kötni a BG-zel, hogy a gázt tengeralatti csővezetéken szállítsák Izraelbe. A gázt formálisan a palesztinoktól vásárolták volna meg, igaz, csak természetben voltak hajlandóak fizetni, hiszen a Hamasz-kormány szerintünk nem kaphat pénzt, mert azt a terrorizmus támogatására fordítaná. A BG 2007 decemberében felhagyott a tárgyalásokkal, 2008 januárjában becsukta izraeli irodáit. A 2008 legvégén megkezdett hadműveleteket már júniusban elkezdték tervezni. Októberben ennek tudatában kezdték újra a tárgyalásokat a BG-zel. A Gázai-övezet megszállásának távlati geopolitikai célja, hogy partmenti vizek és a palesztin gázlelőhelyek izraeli tulajdonba menjenek át. Akkor a meglévő szomszédos létesítményekkel egyetlen rendszerbe lehetne őket szervezni. Délről gáz, északról olaj érkezhetne Izraelbe (a Baku-Tbiliszi-Ceyhan csővezeték végállomásáról). Az olajvezeték láthatólag döntő hatással lehet a Libanonnal fennálló kapcsolatokra.

3. ábra. Izrael ellátási lehetőségei: északról olaj (BTC), délről gáz

4. ábra. A gázai övezet

Izrael 2000 óta zajló tengeri elrettentő akciói sem egyszerűen a palesztin halászok ellen irányultak.
A Gázai-övezetben körülbelül 3000 halász tevékenykedik a partmenti vizeken. Az Arafat és Rabin által aláírt, 1994. május 4-én kelt Gáza-Jerikó egyezmény 20 tengeri mérföldben jelölte meg ennek a partmenti sávnak a szélességét, melyet északról izraeli, dél felől egyiptomi vizek határolnak. Az egyezmény egy keskeny partmenti csíktól eltekintve mindenféle halászati és gazdasági tevékenységet engedélyezett. A palesztínok ezután hat éven át zavartalanul halásztak. 2000-től az izraeli hadsereg rendszeresen fenyegetni és zaklatni kezdte a 6 mérföldnél beljebb dolgozó halászhajókat. Hogy miért, azt nem közölte a palesztínokkal. A kimondatlan határvonalat a fegyverek jelölték ki. Arafat 2000 szeptember 27-én behajózott a parttól 19 mérföldnyire, hogy személyesen gyújtsa meg az első adag kitermelt gázt. Egy izraeli olajtársaság ugyan vitatta a palesztínok tulajdonjogát, de a keresetet az izraeli bíróság elutasította.
Kérdés, kit illet a gáz tulajdonjoga. A fentiek szerint (Gáza-Jerikó egyezmény) ugyebár a palesztinokat, nyilván azért is szerződtek az angolok 1999-ben Arafattal. A lelőhely 10-15 mérföldnyire esik a parttól. Úgy számították, a gázból egy évtizedig egész Palesztína áramellátását biztosíthatják, és még exportra is jut belőle. 2000. szeptember 28-án Ariel Sharon provokatív látogatást tett a Templom-hegyre. Ebből felkelés robbant ki. A 6 mérföldes határon megkezdődtek az izraeli járőrhajók máig tartó támadásai a halászhajók ellen. Sharont 2001 februárjában miniszterelnökké választották.
2002-ben a Sharon kérésére Palesztínába érkezett az ENSZ-főtitkár emberi jogi követe, Catherine Bertini, aki a jelentéséhez fűzött mellékletben rögzítette, hogy a halászati zóna szélessége 12(!) tengeri mérföld, amit be kell tartani. A helyzet ettől persze semmit sem változott. A katonai fenyegetéssel évek óta szűkebb területre kényszerített halászhajók miatt a partmenti sáv halállománya, s így a zsákmány is erősen megcsappant. 2005-ben Izrael kivonult ugyan a Gázai-övezetből, de a szárazföldi átkelőpontok és tengeri útvonalak ellenőrzésével bezárta a palesztínokat. A Hamasz hatalomra jutása után még szigorúbban korlátozta (és korlátozza) a termékek, nyersanyagok, gyógyszerek és emberek forgalmát. Míg 2000 előtt napi 900 teherautó ellátmány érkezett a területre, ezután csak 70 (2008 júniusában, a rakétatámadások beszüntetése fejében ezt a számot 90-re emelték). Végül: 2008. november 18-án olyan egyiptomi bírósági ítélet született, mely a kormányt az Izraelbe irányuló földgázszállítás leállítására kötelezte, a hiányzó parlament jóváhagyás miatt. Egy 2005-ös megállapodás szerint ugyanis Egyiptom 15 év alatt 1,7 md m3 gázt ad el Izraelnek. A szállítás ténylegesen csak 2008 májusában indult meg. Az ítélet nem jogerős, fellebbeztek, de a csapok potenciális elzárása is nyugtalaníthatta Izraelt.
A BG Group érdekérvényesítő ereje az általa képviselt nagy piaci értékű tudásra, információra és a technológiára épül. Izrael önmagában nem tud fúrni a BG koncessziós területén, legfeljebb lyukakat a tengerfenékbe. A BG rengeteg 3D szeizmikus adat ismeretében és kellő szaktudás birtokában megtervezte és kivitelezte a kutat. Nélküle vagy az ő érdekei jelentős sérelmére nem lehet ezt a mezőt kitermelni. A BG nem fogja elengedni el ezt a csontot. Az igazgatótanácsban ott van pl. Sir David Manning, aki régi motoros, legutóbb Nagy-Britannia USA nagykövete volt, s egyben a Lockheed és a Lloyds igazgatótanácsának is tagja.
Egy politikailag ennyire exponált (és beágyazott) cég, mint a BG, maga nyíltan nem mehet szembe a nemzetközi szerződésekkel. De... ha történetesen úgy alakul, hogy azokat valamiért teljesen újratárgyalják és végül mégis Izraellel köthet üzletet (aminek eddig útjában állt a Hamasz-Izrael konfliktus), akkor persze újabb nagy fejlesztésekhez juthatna hozzá. És nem tiltakozna. A csattanó: az Isramco 2009. január 18-án jelentette be, hogy a Tamar-1 fúróállomás igen jelentős földgázkészletekre bukkant Haifától 90 km-re keletre a tengeren.

5. ábra. Haifa városa Észak-Izraelben van

Ez minden eddigi gázmezőnél nagyobb, értéke kb. 15 milliárd $. A fúrás minden idők legköltségesebb izraeli vállalkozása volt, 144 millió dollárba került. Az előzetes becslések szerint 35% volt az esélye, hogy 87 md m3 gázt találjanak.
A fúróállomásban a fúrást végző amerikai Noble Energy 36%-kal, az Isramco 29%-kal részesedik, a fennmaradó rész a Delek Drillingé és az Avner Oil and Gas Explorationé. A tengerfenék 1700 méteren van, onnan még 1400 m vastag sóréteget kell keresztülfúrni. A telepített fúrótorony 5000 m-ig tud lehatolni, 4900 m-nél érte el a megfelelő réteget. A bejelentést követően Tel Avivban emelkedni kezdtek a részvények árfolyamai. Isramco +123%, Delek Group +57%, Avner +45%.
A hadsereg ezzel egyidőben kivonult Gázából.

Források:

Michel Chossudovsky: War and Natural Gas: The Israeli Invasion and Gaza's Offshore Gas Fields,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=11680

David K. Schermerhorn: Geopolitical Time Line: War, Natural Gas and Gaza's Marine Zone, Fishermen's Rights versus the Development of Natural Gas
http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=11787 .

Avi Bar-Eli: Israel`s largest-ever reserve of natural gas discovered off Haifa coast
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1056469.html
http://http://www.export.gov.il/Eng/_Articles/Article.asp?ArticleID=10137&CategoryID=391

Forrás: http://astro.elte.hu/~hetesizs/gaza.html

ÍRTA: ÁCS JÓZSEF fizikus

10 Terms Not to Use with Muslims

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Here is advice given to me from Muslim friends worldwide regarding words and concepts that are not useful in building relationships with them.

By Chris Seiple, Christian Science Monitor.

Arlington, Va. - In the course of my travels -- from the Middle East to Central Asia to Southeast Asia -- it has been my great privilege to meet and become friends with many devout Muslims. These friendships are defined by frank respect as we listen to each other; understand and agree on the what, why, and how of our disagreements, political and theological; and, most of all, deepen our points of commonality as a result.

I have learned much from my Muslim friends, foremost this: Political disagreements come and go, but genuine respect for each other, rooted in our respective faith traditions, does not. If there is no respect, there is no relationship, merely a transactional encounter that serves no one in the long term.

As President Obama considers his first speech in a Muslim majority country (he visits Turkey April 6-7), and as the US national security establishment reviews its foreign policy and public diplomacy, I want to share the advice given to me from dear Muslim friends worldwide regarding words and concepts that are not useful in building relationships with them. Obviously, we are not going to throw out all of these terms, nor should we. But we do need to be very careful about how we use them, and in what context.

1. "The Clash of Civilizations." Invariably, this kind of discussion ends up with us as the good guy and them as the bad guy. There is no clash of civilizations, only a clash between those who are for civilization, and those who are against it. Civilization has many characteristics but two are foundational: 1) It has no place for those who encourage, invite, and/or commit the murder of innocent civilians; and 2) It is defined by institutions that protect and promote both the minority and the transparent rule of law.

2. "Secular." The Muslim ear tends to hear "godless" with the pronunciation of this word. And a godless society is simply inconceivable to the vast majority of Muslims worldwide. Pluralism -- which encourages those with (and those without) a God-based worldview to have a welcomed and equal place in the public square -- is a much better word.

3. "Assimilation." This word suggests that the minority Muslim groups in North America and Europe need to look like the majority, Christian culture. Integration, on the other hand, suggests that all views, majority and minority, deserve equal respect as long as each is willing to be civil with one another amid the public square of a shared society.

4. "Reformation." Muslims know quite well, and have an opinion about, the battle taking place within Islam and what it means to be an orthodox and devout Muslim. They don't need to be insulted by suggesting they follow the Christian example of Martin Luther. Instead, ask how Muslims understand ijtihad, or reinterpretation, within their faith traditions and cultural communities.

5. "Jihadi." The jihad is an internal struggle first, a process of improving one's spiritual self-discipline and getting closer to God. The lesser jihad is external, validating "just war" when necessary. By calling the groups we are fighting "jihadis," we confirm their own – and the worldwide Muslim public's -- perception that they are religious. They are not. They are terrorists, hirabists, who consistently violate the most fundamental teachings of the Holy Koran and mainstream Islamic scholars and imams.

6. "Moderate." This ubiquitous term is meant politically but can be received theologically. If someone called me a "moderate Christian," I would be deeply offended. I believe in an Absolute who also commands me to love my neighbor. Similarly, it is not an oxymoron to be a mainstream Muslim who believes in an Absolute. A robust and civil pluralism must make room for the devout of all faiths, and none.

7. "Interfaith." This term conjures up images of watered-down, lowest common denominator statements that avoid the tough issues and are consequently irrelevant. "Multifaith" suggests that we name our deep and irreconcilable theological differences in order to work across them for practical effect -- according to the very best of our faith traditions, much of which are values we share.

8. "Freedom." Unfortunately, "freedom," as expressed in American foreign policy, does not always seek to engage how the local community and culture understands it. Absent such an understanding, freedom can imply an unbound licentiousness. The balance between the freedom to something (liberty) and the freedom from something (security) is best understood in a conversation with the local context and, in particular, with the Muslims who live there. "Freedom" is best framed in the context of how they understand such things as peace, justice, honor, mercy, and compassion.

9. "Religious Freedom." Sadly, this term too often conveys the perception that American foreign policy is only worried about the freedom of Protestant evangelicals to proselytize and convert, disrupting the local culture and indigenous Christians. Although not true, I have found it better to define religious freedom as the promotion of respect and reconciliation with the other at the intersection of culture and the rule of law -- sensitive to the former and consistent with the latter.

10. "Tolerance." Tolerance is not enough. Allowing for someone's existence, or behavior, doesn't build the necessary relationships of trust -- across faiths and cultures -- needed to tackle the complex and global challenges that our civilization faces. We need to be honest with and respect one another enough to name our differences and commonalities, according to the inherent dignity we each have as fellow creations of God called to walk together in peace and justice, mercy and compassion.

The above words and phrases will differ and change over the years, according to the cultural and ethnic context, and the (mis)perceptions that Muslims and non-Muslims have of one another. While that is to be expected, what counts most is the idea that we are earnestly trying to listen to and understand each other better; demonstrating respect as a result.
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Felhívás szolidaritási akcióra!!! A temerini ötökért!

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Jelezzük a világ felé, hogy igen is összetartunk ha kell!

Kiáltsuk mind a négy égtáj felé, hogy egyetlen egy magyart sem hagyunk magára a bajban!
Mindenki, tegye ki, akár csak pár napra, az itt fellelhető képek közül a neki jobban tetszőt, személyi képként az iwiwre, akinek blogja, honlapja van szintén vegye át a képeket.
5 magyar fiú hosszú-hosszú hónapok óta rabságban sínylődik szerb börtönben.
Igazságtalan ítélet értelmében, egy fölgyorsított tárgyalás eredményeként összesen 61 év börtönbüntetést kaptak. Ők a Temerini Ötök, vagy másképpen a Temerini Fiúk:

Ifj. Máriás István (22) 15,
Illés Zsolt (26) 13,
Szakáll Zoltán (25) 11,5,
Uracs József (29) 11,5 ,
Horváth Árpád (19) 10 év börtönbüntetést kapott.

Helyzetükről, az előzményekről itt olvashatnak:
http://www.humanrightscenter.net/borton/

Temerini Fiúk,
István, Zsolt, Zoltán,József, Árpád:
Veletek vagyunk!
Tartsatok ki! A szabadság napja mindenképp felvirrad!

Alábbi képek és a korábbi bejegyzésben lévők: szabadon másolhatóak, terjeszthetők!

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Szabadságot a Temerini Fiúknak!

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Alábbi képek szabadon másolhatóak, terjeszteni mindenkinek kötelesség!!!

Átvette: http://barikad.hu/node/27532
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The US Military Strapped Pigs in Body Armor and Blew Them Up

Military 'Researchers' Strapped Pigs in Body Armor and Blew Them Up, All in the Name of Science

Posted by Liliana Segura, AlterNet at 12:55 PM on April 8, 2009.

The 'study' was conducted last year in an undisclosed location, with the supposed goal of linking bomb blasts and brain injuries.

As long as we're discussing the military budget, let's talk about this: Pentagon researchers spent nearly $10 million dollars last year strapping pigs in body armor and blowing them up.

No, really; USA Today reports:

"During an 11-month period of research ending in December, scientists wrapped pigs in body armor and placed them in a Humvee simulator, in open fields and in a closed room and subjected them to varying degrees of explosions at a research laboratory in a location researchers declined to disclose."

The explosions "ranged in intensity," according to military researchers, "wounding some of the pigs and killing others."

The point? To "study the link between roadside bomb blasts and brain injury." Roadside bombs, after all, are the "top killer of U.S. troops in Iraq and Afghanistan."

Senseless pig killing aside, there's a perverse irony to this story, which is that the Pentagon only recently acknowledged that, as USA Today reports, "up to 360,000 veterans ... may have suffered brain injuries" known as "blast-induced neurotraumas." Until last month, the Department of Defense was too busy claiming all those soldiers were merely suffering from "mild concussions," or entirely imaginary ailments, as AlterNet contributor Nora Eisenberg wrote a few weeks back. So it comes as a bit of a surprise that military scientists spent the better part of last year trying to understand blast-induced brain injuries at all.

So what were their conclusions? Well, for one thing, "body armor does not worsen brain injury," researchers found, a statement that would seem to be masquerading as common sense were it not for the military's apparent concern that armor might "deflect the force of blasts towards the head." (It doesn’t.) Not surprisingly, pigs without body armor "died from blasts within 24 to 48 hours, while those with armor survived 'significantly higher blasts,'" according to Jan Walker, a spokeswoman for the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency, or DARPA, which conducted the study.

A visit to the DARPA website -- Powered by Ideas! -- makes no mention of its exploding pig research; the news page instead features its work on "game-changing cyber-innovation" and "next-generation academics" and other tech-genius sounding protjects. But Col. Geoffrey Ling, who led the slaughter research, defends its value, telling USA Today that "pigs are good subjects because their brains are more similar to human brains than those of rats.” (Which is confusing, given that rats were also used as exploding test subjects.)

Anyway, according to Walker, the Department of Defense "complied with policies that ensure that a minimal number of animals were used in the testing and that they were treated humanely at all times."

That is of course until they strapped the swine in body armor (or not) and blew them up, causing them to suffer bloody injuries or slow agonizing deaths -- all on taxpayers' dime!

Animal rights activists, who have long decried the cruel use of pigs in military experiments, are understandably critical of this latest round of violent animal testing. Martin Stephens, vice president for animal research issues at the U.S. Humane Society called on the Pentagon to stop its research on pigs, asking,"Is this the best they can do after several years of losing soldiers to roadside bombs?"

Apparently it is, according to the military. A fresh round of testing will begin later this year.

The Air Force Experiments

PETA has obtained sickening video footage of another series of Taser experiments, which were funded by the Pentagon's Joint Non-Lethal Weapons Directorate (JNLWD) through the Department of Defense (DoD). The JNLWD commissioned the Air Force Research Laboratory to "evaluate the behavioral effectiveness" of Taser's products at Brooks Air Force Base in Texas.

Here are the chilling details of one Taser experiment on 11 pigs:

Each pig was initially exposed to the output of one of five randomly selected TASER-like devices for 15 seconds. There was a minimum rest period of 45 hours between succeeding exposures .... The initial exposures were accomplished while the pigs were pressing a panel for a food reward. After the second exposure, independent of the devices they were exposed to, the pigs refused to approach the bar and food well. Therefore, the test chamber was reconfigured; the panel press apparatus and food well were replaced with a bowl that contained food. After the third exposure, the pigs refused to approach the food bowl and vigorously resisted entering the test chamber.

Látogatás a vörös terror birodalmába - Képek a gulágról és a kommunista terrorról

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Kattintsd a képre

Amint felnyitjuk a szemét, egyből eszébe fog jutni, hogy mennyit ártott a szovjethatalomnak és a pártnak a tudományos kutatóintézetben a nyavalyás kibernetikájával, ez a mocsok...

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Ramallah Underground

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Vannak olyan zenei alkotások, amelyeket kábé akkor hallgatok, ha valami különösebb okom van rá. Van így - az ember nagy szplínében csak úgy matat a világhálón. Ha ez valamelyest célirányosan történik nem oly’ nehéz kisebb kincsekre bukkanni. Az alább ismertetésre kerülő alkotó gárda ilyen élménnyel tett gazdagabbá.

A Ramallah Underground a palesztinai Ramallah városkában született. Pár kábel, egy kis villany, zenei érzék, valamint a szándék, hogy olyan körökbe is eljuthassanak palesztin fiatalok üzenetei, ahová eddig nem, megteremtett egy új műfajt.

A formációt létrehozók így csempészik a nyugati elektronikus, hip-hop, trip-hop és downtempo világába saját, helyi zenei hagyományaikat. Talán mert az arab fiatalok is élvezettel hallgatnak, és készítenek nyugati zenét, ha azt megfelelő módon formálták át a saját ízlésüknek megfelelően. És tegyük hozzá, a világ fiataljai nem csupán nyitottak palesztinai impulzusokra, de kifejezetten várják azokat!

E közösség –gyártásvezetők (producerek) és emszík (MC-k)– glóbuszunk távoli tájain (Libanon, Egyesült Királyság, Svájc, Olaszo., Egybesült Amcsi., Franciao.,…etc.) működő zenészeivel dolgoznak együtt. Felléptek többek között Ramallah, Betlehem, Bécs, London, Kairó, Lausanne, Amszterdam, Washington D.C. klubjainak deszkáin. Koncertjeik többnyire a hip-hop trekkjeiken alapulnak, a bemelegítőt elektronikus zenéikből válogatják.

Dallamviláguk és szövegeik a gyarmatosítóik elleni dacról, a miattuk elszenvedett gyötrelmeikről szólnak.

A számok ingyenesen letölthetőek honlapjukról:

http://ramallahunderground.com/

MySpace oldaluk: http://www.myspace.com/rucollective
Last.fm: http://www.last.fm/music/Ramallah+Underground

Írta: Rácz Tibor

Húsvét - Easter 2009

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© by Eduardo Rozsa Flores, 2009

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Secret Report Reveals Role of Medical Personnel in Torture at CIA Black Sites

by Liliana Segura, AlterNet

The report describes "three principal roles" played by medical professionals, including "monitoring the ongoing ill-treatment" of prisoners.

Medical professionals working for the CIA played a central role in the "ill-treatment" of terror suspects in U.S. custody overseas, according to a previously confidential report by the International Committee of the Red Cross. The 2007 report describes interviews with 14 "high value detainees" who were transferred to Guantanamo Bay in September 2006, revealing the full extent of complicity and participation by medical personnel in a wide and grisly range of torture methods inflicted upon them. Listed in the table of contents of the 41-page report, these methods included "suffocation by water," "prolonged stress standing," "beatings by use of a collar," "beating and kicking," "confinement in a box," "prolonged nudity," and more.

The ICRC report describes "three principal roles" played by medical professionals in the torture of prisoners in U.S. custody. "Firstly, there was a direct role in monitoring the ongoing ill-treatment which, in some instances, involved the health personnel directly participating while certain methods were used."

Secondly, there was a role in performing a medical check just prior to, and just after,each transfer. Finally, there was the provision of healthcare, to treat both the direct consequences of ill-treatment detailed in previous sections, and to treat any natural ailments that arose during the prolonged periods of detention.

According to the report, which was obtained by journalist Mark Danner -- who first published excerpts last month and has now published its full contents on the website of the New York Review of Books -- certain methods required more active participation by medical professions. For example, in subjecting prisoners to "suffocation by water," "it was alleged that health personnel actively monitored a detainee's oxygen saturation using what, from the description of the detainee of a device placed over the finger, appeared to be a pulse oxymeter."

"Mr. Khaled Shaik Mohammed alleged that on several occasions the suffocation method was stopped on the intervention of a health person who was present in the room each time this procedure was used."

KSM, one of the few prisoners who the U.S. government has actually acknowledged having waterboarding, described his experience to ICRC staff.

I would be strapped to a special bed, which can be rotated into a vertical position. A cloth would be placed over my face. Water was then poured onto the cloth by one of the guards so that I could not breathe. This obviously could only be done for one or two minutes at a time. The cloth was then removed and the bed was put into a vertical position. The whole process was then repeated during about 1 hour.

Abu Zubaydah, whose torture has also been widely documented, described it as follows:

I was put on what looked like a hospital bed, and strapped down very tightly with belts. A black cloth was then placed over my face and the interrogators used a mineral water bottle to pour water on the cloth so that I could not breathe. After a few minutes the cloth was removed and the bed was rotated into an upright position. The pressure of the straps on my wounds caused severe pain. I vomited. The bed was then again lowered to a horizontal position and the same torture carried out with the black cloth over my face and water poured on from a bottle. On this occasion my head was in a more backward, downwards position and the water was poured on for a longer time. I struggled without success to breathe. I thought I was going to die. I lost control of my urine. Since then I still lose control of my urine when under stress.

The conclusion by the ICRC was that the interrogation of prisoners at U.S. "black sites" certainly "constituted torture." But additionally, "the alleged participation of health personnel in the interrogation process and, either directly or indirectly, in the infliction of ill-treatment constituted a gross breach of medical ethics and, in some cases, amounted to participation in torture and/or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment."

Indeed, the presence of medical professionals seemed itself to augment the psychological torture. "One detainee,who did not wish his name to be transmitted to the authorities, alleged that a health person threatened that medical care would be conditional upon cooperation with the interrogators." Another recalled being told: "I look after your body only because we need you for information."

Liliana Segura is a staff writer and editor of AlterNet's Rights and Liberties and War on Iraq Special Coverage.

Now, who is the idiot?

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Apparently Lockheed Martin is working on a new defense against Ideology, called the Logic Bomb. When used, it will blow their mind.

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Changing the rules of war

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George Bisharat, The Electronic Intifada, 2 April 2009

Palestinians pray next to the bodies of seven members of the Salha family who were killed during Israel's attacks on the Gaza Strip, 9 January. (Wissam Nassar/MaanImages)

The extent of Israel's brutality against Palestinian civilians in its 22-day pounding of the Gaza Strip is gradually surfacing. Israeli soldiers are testifying to lax rules of engagement tantamount to a license to kill. One soldier commented: "That's what is so nice, supposedly, about Gaza: You see a person on a road, walking along a path. He doesn't have to be with a weapon, you don't have to identify him with anything and you can just shoot him."

What is less appreciated is how Israel is also brutalizing international law, in ways that may long outlast the demolition of Gaza.

Since 2001, Israeli military lawyers have pushed to reclassify military operations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from the law enforcement model mandated by the law of occupation to one of armed conflict. Under the former, soldiers of an occupying army must arrest, rather than kill, opponents, and generally must use the minimum force necessary to quell disturbances.

While in armed conflict, a military is still constrained by the laws of war -- including the duty to distinguish between combatants and civilians, and the duty to avoid attacks causing disproportionate harm to civilian persons or objects -- the standard permits far greater uses of force.

Israel pressed the shift to justify its assassinations of Palestinians in the occupied territories, which clearly violated settled international law. Israel had practiced "targeted killings" since the 1970s -- always denying that it did so -- but had recently stepped up their frequency, by spectacular means (such as air strikes) that rendered denial futile.

Former US President Bill Clinton charged the 2001 Mitchell Committee with investigating the causes of the second Palestinian uprising and recommending how to restore calm in the region. Israeli lawyers pleaded their case to the committee for armed conflict. The committee responded by criticizing the blanket application of the model to the uprising, but did not repudiate it altogether.

Today, most observers -- including Amnesty International -- tacitly accept Israel's framing of the conflict in Gaza as an armed conflict, as their criticism of Israel's actions in terms of the duties of distinction and the principle of proportionality betrays. This shift, if accepted, would encourage occupiers to follow Israel's lead, externalizing military control while shedding all responsibilities to occupied populations.

Israel's campaign to rewrite international law to its advantage is deliberate and knowing. As the former head of Israel's 20-lawyer International Law Division in the Military Advocate General's office, Daniel Reisner, recently stated: "If you do something for long enough, the world will accept it. The whole of international law is now based on the notion that an act that is forbidden today becomes permissible if executed by enough countries ... International law progresses through violations. We invented the targeted assassination thesis and we had to push it. At first there were protrusions that made it hard to insert easily into the legal molds. Eight years later, it is in the center of the bounds of legitimacy."

In the Gaza fighting, Israel has again tried to transform international law through violations. For example, its military lawyers authorized the bombing of a police cadet graduation ceremony, killing at least 63 young Palestinian men. Under international law, such deliberate killings of civilian police are war crimes. Yet Israel treats all employees of the Hamas-led government in the Gaza Strip as terrorists, and thus combatants. Secretaries, court clerks, housing officials, judges -- all were, in Israeli eyes, legitimate targets for liquidation.

Israeli jurists also instructed military commanders that any Palestinian who failed to evacuate a building or area after warnings of an impending bombardment was a "voluntary human shield" and thus a participant in combat, subject to lawful attack. One method of warning employed by Israeli gunners, dubbed "knocking on the roof," was to fire first at a building's corner, then, a few minutes later, to strike more structurally vulnerable points. To imagine that Gazan civilians -- penned into the tiny Gaza Strip by Israeli troops, and surrounded by the chaos of battle -- understood this signal is fanciful at best.

Israel has a lengthy history of unpunished abuses of international law -- among the most flagrant its decades-long colonization of the West Bank. To its credit, much of the world has refused to ratify Israel's violations. Unfortunately, our government is an exception, having frequently provided diplomatic cover for Israel's abuses. Our diplomats have vetoed 42 UN Security Council resolutions to shelter Israel from the consequences of its often illegal behavior.

We must break that habit now, or see international law perverted in ways that can harm us all. Our government has already been seduced to follow, in Afghanistan and elsewhere, Israel's example of targeted killings. This policy alienates civilians, innocently killed and wounded in these crude strikes, and deepens the determination of enemies to harm us by any means possible.

We do not want civilian police in the United States to be bombed, nor to have anyone "knock on our roofs." For our own sakes and for the world's, Israel's impunity must end.

George Bisharat is a professor of law at Hastings College of the Law in San Francisco, and writes frequently on law and politics in the Middle East. This article originally appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle and is republished with the author's permission.

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